JULY 31, 1985 - VOLUME 6 - NUMBER 10
Paying for BhopalUnion Carbide's Campaign to Limit Its Liabilityby Russell MokhiberMonths after methyl isocyanate (MIC) gas escaped from the Union Carbide pesiticide plant in Bhopal, India, officials at the company's world headquarters still refer to the massive gas leak as "the incident." In India, people call "the incident" a massacre, a gassing, a catastrophe, a calamity, a disaster, a tragedy, and a holocaust. They never refer to the leak as "the incident." Union Carbide officials employ this rhetorical device to downplay the nature of the human and social catastrophe that was and is Bhopal. It is only one of a wide range of tactics being used to implement the multinational chemical corporation's overall strategy, of diverting attention from, and evading responsibility for, the more than 3,000 killed and 100.000 injured in the world's worst industrial disaster. Two tactics are of central importance to Union Carbide's strategy of diversion and evasion. First, Union Carbide filed a motion on July 31. 1985, to dismiss thousands of personal injury and wrongful death cases pending before a federal judge in New York on the grounds that the cases should be tried instead in Indian courts. If this fails, Union Carbide will seek a quick settlement of the cases. Legal experts estimate that such a settlement could range anywhere from 5200 million to $800 million, while total damage inflicted on the people of Bhopal has been pegged at 1310 billion-an amount that would send Union Carbide into bankruptcy. There is little consensus among legal observers on how the court will rule on the motion to dismiss. But there is surprising unanimity, even among lawyers representing the Bhopal victims, that if the case is kept in the United States, Union Carbide will get an early settlement. An early settlement would provide the multinational corporation the opportunity to sidestep a public jury trial and a media airing of the issues, possible punitive damages, the likely imposition of a just damage award commensurate with the damage inflicted, bankruptcy, the transfer of company assets to victims of Bhopal, and the consequent deterrent and preventive effect that a trial would generate. Unlike asbestos victims' lawyers who were able to achieve substantial gains for their clients by confronting and then shrewdly out maneuvering major asbestos manufacturers, lawyers for the Bhopal victims seem less inclined to confront their corporate adversary and more inclined to seek an appeasing settlement. Lawyers for the asbestos victims fought a fifteen year battle for just compensation that sent the world's leading asbestos manufacturer, The Manville Corporation, into bankruptcy. And just this week, the asbestos victims' lawyers won an unprecedented victory when Manville agreed in effect to transfer a controlling fifty percent of the company's shares into a $2.5 billion trust fund for the victims. The U.S. lawyers representing the Bhopal victims, led by Melvin Belli, F. Lee Bailey, Stanley Chesley, and Michael Ciresi, a lawyer with the Minneapolis based law firm of Robins, Zelle, Larson & Kaplan, which is representing the Union of India in the New York litigation, are proven to be a breed of trial attorney far different from the lawyers who represent asbestos victims. The Bhopal lawyers are less confrontational and more settlement-oriented, questioning whether a strategy of seeking control of Union Carbide's assets is in the best interests of their clients. "Do you want to bury the company, literally bury the company, put it into bankruptcy, thereby limiting the time period in which you are going to get the money and probably diminishing the amount of money you are going to receive?" asked a skeptical Michael Ciresi, the lawyer representing the government of India, during a telephone interview from his office in Minneapolis. "That's an issue you have to look at. And if your goal is to bury the company. then I think you have to look at the flip side of that: Does that serve the benefit of the victims? And can you do it? Or can they seek protection in a bankruptcy situation?" "Bankrupt the company?" "If that's what it takes to get just compensation to the victims," says David Rosenberg, professor of law at Harvard Law School and an expert on mass tort liability. "That's the risk Union Carbide took." Robert Hager, a public interest attorney with the Washington, D.C.-based Christie Institute, agrees that a transfer 01 assets should be an option if that's what it takes to cover the damages. "There are two possibilities. The one possibility would be the liquidation of Union Carbide's assets ... but what would more likely happen is that the company would have a debt of S70 billion which it can't cover so it would be technically bankrupt and it would depend on the reorganization negotiations," Hager told the Monitor. "I would think that it would be more profitable for the victims it Union Carbide would remain intact as a corporation. Present bondholders and shareholders would lose what they have and new shares would be issued to the victims for their debt. The victims would be tire new owners and could sell their shares on the market if they chose to do so." (See Hager Interview) Other signs also point to an unwillingness on behalf of the Bhopal victims' U.S. attorneys to take Union Carbide the full distance. What started out as an openly contentious, adversarial proceeding between Union Carbide and Bhopal victim lawyers has quieted down during the past few weeks. "We agreed at a meeting to tone down the rhetoric," said one plaintiffs' lawyer close to the case. "We are working very closely with Union Carbide lawyers to try to reach a settlement." This accelerating movement by a united front of Union Carbide and victim lawyers toward what many legal observers predict will be an unjust settlement has raised serious questions about the adequacy of current American legal mechanisms to bring just compensation to victims of corporate wrongdoing, and moved activists in the United States and India to organize Bhopal victims in an effort to gain a public trial of the issues in civil or criminal forums. Union Carbide, on the other hand, wishes to avoid, public trial at all costs. Union Carbide Corporation owns i(1 _s1 percent of Union Carbide India Ltd. (UCIL), the subsidiary- that operated the pesticide manufacturing plant in Pin Evidence from Bhopal indicates that a high degree of recklessness bordering on criminal behavior characterized the operation of the Bhopal plant. Four serious accidents, including one that killed a plant operator, occured between December 1981 and October 1982. In 1983, two workers were hospitalized following exposure to gas at the plant. (See Box One) Despite a wealth of news accounts focusing on Union Carbide's culpability in the Bhopal disaster, the full story has yet to be told. India's Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Indian equivalent of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, seized corporate documents from the plant immediately after the disaster and refuses to rclease the documents pending a criminal investigation. With a settlement o( the New York lawsuits on the horizon. the lid could be kept on these documents forever. In traditional settlement agreements. the corporation agrees to pay money to the victims, (an amount that is most often much less than the actual damage, much less than what a jury would have awarded had the case been successfully brought to trial, and devoid of punitive damages), and the victims agree to forgo a public trial and to drop any and all claims against the corporation. The trial lawyers representing the victims then take a percentage of the money settlement. But an early settlement agreement maybe inappropriate in a case where the issue of liability is so clear cut, as it is in the Union Carbide case and as it was in the asbestos litigation. Nevertheless, attorneys representing (lie Bhopal victims appear to have their minds made up, and if they move for a quick settlement with Union Carbide, the burden of justice will fall increasingly upon the criminal prosecutors in both India and the United States. In India, the CBI's investigation continues, with no progress reported since government officials arrested Carbide's Chairman of the Board, Warren Anderson, and two local Carbide officials four days after the gas leak and charged them with criminal negligence. Six hours after his arrest, Anderson was released on $2,000 bail, but only after intervention from the U.S. State Department. In the United States, John Kelly, Connecticut's Chief State's Attorney, has yet to initiate a preliminary criminal investigation into the possibility that one of the state's largest corporate citizens, or any of its executives, may have violated the state's criminal laws. (See Box Two) While Union Carbide has a reputation within the chemical industry of having relatively clean legal, workplace, and environmental records, a closer look indicates otherwise. From brain cancer deaths among workers in Texas, to kidney disease among workers at a Carbide battery plant in Indonesia, Carbide's corporate character fails to live up to the Mr. Clean image created by the American business press. (See Box Three) The Bhopal disaster is exceptional, not because corporate negligence and recklessness are unusual at Union Carbide, but because of the magnitude of the suffering in this case. Even without the benefit of primary documents held by investigators in India, evidence unearthed in recent months presents a solid case for the initiation of a preliminary criminal investigation into the activities of Union Carbide in connection with the Bhopal disaster. The UCIL plant in Bhopal was storing MIC, the highly volatile and deadly gas used to make pesticides that leaked into the atmosphere on the evening of December 2, 1984. Installed at the plant was a refrigeration unit designed to keep the MIC storage tank at a temperature low enough to prevent runaway chemical reactions. But the unit was not working at the time of the accident, and the MIC in the storage tank was warmer than allowed by the plant's operating manual. "The refrigeration unit had been down over five months," Union Carbide officials admitted to a crowded March 20. 1985 press conference at corporate headquarters in Danbury, Connecticut. With the refrigeration unit out, it was crucial that instruments designed to measure the temperature and pressure of the gas in the storage tank be in good operating order. But the Temperature Indicator Alarm had been giving faulty readings for years. And the Pressure Indicator Control, which one journalist has likened to a "joke prop in a vintage Mickey Mouse movie," was similarly faulty. The plant also had an emergency scrubber system to neutralize gas in the event of a leak. But the scrubber system had been out of use for six weeks. The flare tower, designed as the final line of defense to burn off excess MIC, also was closed down ten days before the fatal leak because, due to neglected maintenance, the line to the flare tower had corroded. To make matters worse, the workers operating this faulty equipment at the Bhopal plant were inadequately trained. The New York Times reported in January 1985 that the leak was triggered after "a worker whose training did not meet the plant's original standards was ordered by a novice supervisor to wash out a pipe that had not been properly sealed." It was the mixture of water with the gas that triggered the chemical reaction that led to the gas leak. "Everything that could possibly go wrong had gone wrong," commented Bruce Agnew in the most recent issue of Safety and Risk Management, the Journal of the British Safety Council. "Machinery failed; workers panicked; managers either took no decisions or the wrong decisions." If the civil case goes to trial, the evidence indicating reckless operation of the Bhopal plant places the assets of UCIL, estimated at $100 million, in serious jeopardy. As half owner of UCIL, the loss of the Bhopal plant is of concern to the parent Union Carbide. But of much greater concern to the company is the threat of losing its own assets, estimated at 810 billion. Documentation revealed since the accident indicates that the parent company had a degree of control over UCIL that could legally identify the parent as the responsible party. If a judge makes a legal determination that Union Carbide exercised control over its Indian subsidiary, then Carbide's entire net worth is open to the claims of the victims. This could lead Union Carbide down the road to bankruptcy. The evidence condemning Union Carbide is persuasive. The structure of Union Carbide's relations with its subsidiaries indicates strict authority and control by the parent company. Union Carbide owns more than half of UCIIL shares. UCIL is listed on Union Carbide's consolidated balance sheet. Union Carbide had direct representation on the board of UCIL. More important is the evidence indicating direct Union Carbide involvement in the design and operation of the Bhopal plant. According to a report in the Times of India by investigative reporter Praful Bidwai, Union Carbide designed the Bhopal plant and was responsible for inspecting and approving all major equipment installed in the factory. According to Bidwai, the Bhopal plant was "grossly underdesigned." "Thus even if each piece of equipment had functioned as designed and the plant as a whole had been properly maintained and operated - which it evidently was not - it would still not have been possible to avert the disaster...," Bidwai concluded. In February of this year Edward Munoz, a retired Union Carbide official and former managing director of UCIL, claimed in a sworn affidavit that in the early 1970s, Union Carbide insisted that large amounts of MIC be stored in Bhopal over UCIL's objections. In the early 1970s. Munoz "represented the Union Carbide India Ltd. position that only token storage (of the chemical at Bhopal) was necessary, preferably in small individual containers based both on economic and safety considerations," according to the affidavit. But Union Carbide's corporate engineering group "imposed the view and ultimately made to be built (at Bhopal) large bulk storage tanks patterned on similar Union Carbide facilities at Institute, W. Va.," Munoz asserted in his affidavit. A growing chorus of-critics have joined Munoz in disputing Union Carbide's view that "the Indian company has nothing to do with the U.S. company." A wide-ranging, seven-week investigation of the Bhopal disaster conducted by The New York Times published in January 1985 concluded that Union Carbide "had the authority to exercise financial and technical control over its affiliate (UCIL) and the American parent often used that right." "Union Carbide Corporation had its finger on the pulse of the Bhopal plant all the time," The Times quoted Kamal K. Pareek, senior project engineer during the building of the Bhopal plant's methyl isocyanate installation. "They just didn't appreciate the information they were getting." A report released by Union Carbide Chairman Warren Anderson supports this view. Dated May 1982, the report. submitted to Union Carbide by a team of' American experts, points out major safety concerns at the Bhopal plant, including deficiencies in instrumentation and safety valves. lax maintenance procedures, and high turnover of operating; and maintenance staff'. The report. stamped "Business Confidential," warned that the plant presented "serious potential for sizeable releases of toxic materials." The U.S. team made numerous recommendations to rectify the deficiencies at the plant, but, according to reports from union activists. not one of the recommendations was ever implemented. After this report was sent from Union Carbide corporate headquarters to the Bhopal plant, union organizers appealed to U.S. management to improve safety conditions. Radhika Ramaseshan, writing in the Indian Economic and Political Weekly reported that a letter was sent to the agricultural products division of Union Carbide in the United States, with a plea to appoint trained superintendents in the MIC plant. "The president was said to have replied in the negative," reported Ramaseshan," in spite of the fact that the parent company had just then investigated the safety measures in the Bhopal plant and indicted the local management on every score." UCIL officials in Bhopal initially denied that MIC was hazardous. "The gas that leaked is only an irritant, it is not fatal," one UCIL official told reporters immediately after the leak, but the MIC operating manual used at the Bhopal plant and adapted from a similar manual used at Bhopal's sister MIC plant in Institute, West Virginia tells another story. The authors of the manual, five Indian engineers, make abundantly clear the dangers of MIC: "MIC's limited exposure can be fatal. The chemicals involved in its production are highly toxic and hazardous in nature. Even the big corporations have refrained from making this lethal chemical due to the complexity involved in the operation." The manual also instructed operators to "Keep circulation of storage tank contents continuously 'ON' through the refrigeration unit." As Chairman Anderson admitted at his press conference, the refrigeration unit was "down" for five months prior to the accident. Three months prior to the Bhopal gas leak, an internal Union Carbide memo warned that "a real potential for a serious incident exists" at the Institute. West Virginia plant and that efforts to control the problem "would not be timely or effective enough to prevent catastrophic failure of the [storage] tank." The memo warned of a" runaway reaction" at the West Virginia facility. Anderson, during his May 1985 press conference, hinted that the gas leak may have been due to sabotage. But this view has been roundly condemned as a crude attempt by Union Carbide to escape civil liability. (The only effective defense to victims' claims that Carbide is strictly liable is the defense of sabotage.) And in an article in Safely and Risk Management magazine, Bruce Agnew reports that "changes were made to the production flow by the local management [of the Bhopal plant] and that these changes were approved by Union Carbide headquarters in the U.S." On the morning of December 2, 1984 supervisors ordered certain pressure safety valve lines to be flushed with water. "At the time, they were unaware that some were blocked and others only partially cleared," Agnew reports. The evidence presented above, evidence that portrays a multinational corporation operating in reckless disregard of the risks posed by one of the most dangerous chemicals known was compiled without the aid of court-ordered discovery. Such discovery, including cross examination of top Union Carbide executives, if not aborted by a premature settlement, will reveal a clearer picture of who was responsible for the death and destruction at Bhopal. Bhopal represents more than just another chemical accident and therefore deserves more than just the usual consideration given by lawyers and prosecutors to normal tort and criminal cases. In the words of Praful Bidwai, a journalist for the Times o/ India who was in Bhopal at the time of the accident: "If there ever was a wretchedly undignified hideously helpless form of mega-death after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, this is it." p Russell Mokhiber, an attorney with Corporate Accountability Research Group, is completing a book on corporate crime.
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